Marine protected areas]]> Economic activity]]> Fishing]]> Tourism]]> Poaching]]> Noise pollution]]>
His father was drawn to the area for its recreational fishing, and the interviewee ‘grew up as a mad fisherman’, fishing from both the shore and boat. He has taught his children to fish, and recalls fond memories growing up with his brother, snorkelling and spear fishing.

In terms of the tourist business, he enjoys the interactive experiences he is able to offer customers, such as watching South Coast stingrays and water birds feeding on fish. Out in the kayaks his experiences are generally positive; kayakers are able to move about freely and interact with local commercial fishermen, who are happy to engage and educate. There are negative experiences as well, including poaching or illegal fishing in sanctuary zones. Jet skis are a problem; they are noisy and reduce the enjoyment of kayakers.

When asked about the amnesty or allowance of shore fishing in sanctuary zones, he raises concern about the confusion it causes between ‘ocean-fronted’ and other sanctuary zones. He believes more resources should be placed into educating the public so that recreational fishing and tourism can still bring economic value to the region, in an environmentally sustainable way.]]> CC BY]]> Mossy Point, NSW [populated place]]]> Clyde River, NSW [stream]]]> Durras, NSW [populated place]]]> Coastal management]]> Coastal settlement]]> Conservation (Environment)]]> Conservation (Heritage)]]> Surf lifesaving]]> Surfing]]> Fishing]]> Fishing industry]]> Marine protected areas]]> Social values]]> Subcultures]]> Mental illness]]> Communities]]> Natural medicine]]> Spiritual health]]> Activism]]>
In terms of valuing the coast, he discusses the medicinal, therapeutic, and spiritual aspects of beaches, referring to them as a place of reflection. He also reflects on the beach as a place of love, romance, and emotive experiences, often referring to the 1981 Australian surfing movie Puberty Blues – and the accessibility of beaches to all walks of life.

He talks about the changes in perceptions and cultures related to the beach. For example, a ‘surfer’ includes anyone who engages in the surf zone, not just those with surfboards. He discusses the beginning of the surf club movement in the 1900s and how surfing was popularised by America in the 1950s; the changing culture and perception of surfers as irresponsible types to political advocates – now active in Surf Councils and National Surf Reserves. He also describes the role of National Surf Reserves in conservation and preservation, and refers to Crescent Head and the Dunghutti Aboriginal peoples.

While the interviewee agrees with no-take zones, the idea or need for fishing licences offend him. He talks about different types of fisherman and the need for governments to be aware of the different user groups, communicating and educating accordingly.

He also discusses communities and their strong sense of ownership over their beaches and subsequent management. He thinks that the government’s biggest challenge is in their approach to community liaison and stakeholder engagement. When governments interfere it impacts peoples’ spiritual and social connections, and their experiences become diminished. He worries about community capacity to change the way governments act towards them.

He has a deep understanding of subcultures and discusses the differences between surf lifesavers ('clubbies') and surfers ('hard core'). He often refers to the ‘bromance’ that exists in male surf culture – a connectedness between males and a way for blokes to find a space away from other things in their lives. Reflecting on his work with Suicide Prevention Australia and Australian Men’s Shed Association (mental health initiatives), he talks about male culture in general, the way that men connect and bond through activities, and the power for these activities to cross cultural boundaries. He also makes a clear distinction between surfer and fisherman communities, noting that when the surf is bad a surfer will go home rather than participate in another beach activity. Similarly, a fisherman will do the same.

He recognises the balance between economic stimulus and protection of headlands, and having worked as a federal government advisor, environmental advocate, and lobbyist, feels frustrated and ‘burned out’ when it comes to ever-changing government agendas at the expense of the environment (e.g. coal export terminals in the Great Barrier Reef).

Finally, when asked about the allowance of fishing off beaches and headlands in sanctuary zones he comments about the waste he has personally observed on commercial fishing boats and trawlers.
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Once known as Crabb’s Creek, Katarapko Creek is a small anabranch of the Murray River, located between the towns of Berri and Loxton in the Riverland region of South Australia. Its 9,000 hectare grey clay floodplain is covered with blackbox, saltbush and lignum. The creek’s horseshoe lagoons,
marshes and islands are the traditional lands of the Meru peoples.

Today, Katarapko’s red gum and river coobahͲlined waters leave the Murray near Lock and Weir 4, rejoining the river 16km later. Katarapko has seen many changes as its waters were blocked, floodplains grazed, and surrounding irrigation districts flourished. Berri Evaporation Basin and Katarapko Island Disposal Basin have both taken a toll as they collected salty irrigation drainage water.

(Source: Frawley, J., Nichols, S., Goodall, H. and Baker, E. 2011. Katarapko: Talking fish, making connections with the rivers of the Murray-Darling Basin. Murray-Darling Basin Authority, Canberra.)]]> Map image attribution: Murray-Darling Basin Authority, Talking Fish Project see details...]]> View or download from publisher...]]> http://geonode.research.uts.edu.au/layers/geonode%3Afrawley2012page038]]> Lure fishing]]> Physical characteristics (Animals)]]> Dimensions]]> Fishes--Diseases]]> Family histories]]>
Images were provided to the Talking Fish research team by Barry Porter. They include the testing of a variety of fishing lures at Katarapko Creek, evidence of fish disease (fin rot), and a selection of historical photos from his personal family archive.]]> Boats]]> Fishing nets]]> Family histories]]> Fishing industry]]>
Images provided by John Aston during his oral history interview with the Talking Fish research team.]]> Riparian areas]]> Erosion]]> CC-BY]]> Floods]]> CC-BY]]> Captive breeding]]> Endangered species]]> CC BY]]> Murray Bridge, SA [populated place]]]> Weirs]]> Salinity]]> Family life]]> Diet]]> Floods]]> Fishes--Identification]]> Fishes--Speciation]]> Weeds]]> Environmental flows]]> Wetlands]]> Native animals]]> Water levels]]> Physical characteristics (Animals)]]> Lure fishing]]> Water temperature]]>
Born in 1949, Barry lives in Berri, in the Riverland area. Having worked on a pile driving barge and worked most his life on the river, Barry has extensive knowledge of locks and weirs from the Murray mouth to Euston (Lock 15). He currently monitors and models salinity in the Murray and Riverland area and also grows capers and caperberries.

Barry talks about: fishing in the 1950s as a cheap addition to the family diet; changes in fishing methods and equipment, including the exclusive use of lures; boat designs; professional fishing reaches/areas; yabbying – a ‘historic institution’ post flood event; changes observed in fish species, weeds, river flow, temperature, salinity; salt interception schemes; bathometric data; work with the palaeobotany group at Flinders University tracking floods by tree lines; water retention in wetlands; evaporation and disposal basins; wildlife observed over the years (kangaroo, echidna, bat, owl, possum, snake, birds, water rat), including Emu that swim; records of fish caught between 2002 and 2006. Mention of floods in 1956, 1974, 1975, 1981, 1990s. Other fish species mentioned: garfish (at Coffin Bay).]]> CC-BY]]> Fishes--Identification]]> Fishing boats]]> Fishing regulations]]> Licenses]]> Water--Law and legislation]]> Fishing nets]]> Family histories]]> Family life]]> Irrigation]]> Water quality]]> Dams]]> Weirs]]> Fishes--Migration]]> Salinity]]> Fishes--Breeding]]> Floodplains]]> Fishing industry]]> Environmental flows]]>
Born in 1942, John held a commercial licence between 1956 and 1997. He discusses his family history in commercial fishing since 1918, three generations. His grandfather was also a boat maker. He tells the story of how ‘Squabbily Creek’ at Murtho Forest came to be named by his father Raymond Charles ‘John’ Aston. In those days, buying a fishing reach meant buying good will, not the water. John talks extensively about professional fishing as a family business, and gives a sense of the long hours of labour the whole family put into making fishing nets and boats. Professional fishing has an important memory status amongst people who live along the river.

John talks about: fishing licenses, and the licence system introduced in 1922; fishing equipment; fishing practices, since 1920s; changes in fishing materials and the introduction of synthetics, 1960s; changes in water levels from irrigation; impact of Dartmouth Dam on River Murray flow; Hume Dam levels; flows from the Darling; water colour and clarity; three distinct water colours (in the Murray, Lachlan/Murrumbidgee, Darling); changes to water levels with the building of weirs and locks, late 1920s; objects he has found in the guts of Murray Cod; 1956 flood; 1992 flood – ‘a complete change of fish’; Chowilla Floodplain, 1991-1993; movement of wildlife in floods; salt from irrigation. (Mention of 'bream' fish, unspecified).
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